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Which Statement Best Describes the Stylistic Characteristics of Byzantine Art?

Fine art of the Byzantine Empire

Byzantine art comprises the body of Christian Greek artistic products of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire,[1] also as the nations and states that inherited culturally from the empire. Though the empire itself emerged from the pass up of Rome and lasted until the Fall of Constantinople in 1453,[ii] the start date of the Byzantine period is rather clearer in art history than in political history, if yet imprecise. Many Eastern Orthodox states in Eastern Europe, equally well as to some degree the Islamic states of the eastern Mediterranean, preserved many aspects of the empire's civilization and art for centuries afterward.

A number of contemporary states with the Byzantine Empire were culturally influenced past it without really being part of it (the "Byzantine commonwealth"). These included the Rus, as well as some not-Orthodox states like the Commonwealth of Venice, which separated from the Byzantine Empire in the 10th century, and the Kingdom of Sicily, which had close ties to the Byzantine Empire and had also been a Byzantine territory until the 10th century with a large Greek-speaking population persisting into the twelfth century. Other states having a Byzantine creative tradition, had oscillated throughout the Heart Ages between being part of the Byzantine Empire and having periods of independence, such as Serbia and Bulgaria. After the autumn of the Byzantine upper-case letter of Constantinople in 1453, art produced by Eastern Orthodox Christians living in the Ottoman Empire was often called "post-Byzantine." Sure creative traditions that originated in the Byzantine Empire, particularly in regard to icon painting and church architecture, are maintained in Greece, Republic of cyprus, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Russia and other Eastern Orthodox countries to the present day.

Introduction [edit]

Byzantine art originated and evolved from the Christianized Greek culture of the Eastern Roman Empire; content from both Christianity and classical Greek mythology were artistically expressed through Hellenistic modes of style and iconography.[3] The fine art of Byzantium never lost sight of its classical heritage; the Byzantine capital, Constantinople, was adorned with a large number of classical sculptures,[4] although they eventually became an object of some puzzlement for its inhabitants[five] (however, Byzantine beholders showed no signs of puzzlement towards other forms of classical media such as wall paintings[half-dozen]). The basis of Byzantine art is a fundamental artistic attitude held past the Byzantine Greeks who, similar their aboriginal Greek predecessors, "were never satisfied with a play of forms alone, simply stimulated by an innate rationalism, endowed forms with life past associating them with a meaningful content."[vii] Although the art produced in the Byzantine Empire was marked by periodic revivals of a classical aesthetic, it was higher up all marked by the development of a new artful defined by its salient "abstract", or anti-naturalistic grapheme. If classical fine art was marked by the attempt to create representations that mimicked reality as closely as possible, Byzantine art seems to have abandoned this attempt in favor of a more than symbolic arroyo.

The Ethiopian Saint Arethas depicted in traditional Byzantine style (tenth century)

The nature and causes of this transformation, which largely took place during late artifact, have been a subject field of scholarly debate for centuries.[8] Giorgio Vasari attributed it to a decline in creative skills and standards, which had in plow been revived by his contemporaries in the Italian Renaissance. Although this betoken of view has been occasionally revived, most notably by Bernard Berenson,[9] modern scholars tend to take a more positive view of the Byzantine aesthetic. Alois Riegl and Josef Strzygowski, writing in the early 20th century, were in a higher place all responsible for the revaluation of late antique art.[ten] Riegl saw it as a natural development of pre-existing tendencies in Roman fine art, whereas Strzygowski viewed it as a product of "oriental" influences. Notable recent contributions to the debate include those of Ernst Kitzinger,[eleven] who traced a "dialectic" between "abstract" and "Hellenistic" tendencies in late antiquity, and John Onians,[12] who saw an "increment in visual response" in tardily antiquity, through which a viewer "could expect at something which was in twentieth-century terms purely abstract and find it representational."

In any case, the argue is purely modern: it is clear that near Byzantine viewers did not consider their art to be abstract or unnaturalistic. As Cyril Mango has observed, "our ain appreciation of Byzantine art stems largely from the fact that this art is not naturalistic; yet the Byzantines themselves, judging past their extant statements, regarded it as being highly naturalistic and equally being direct in the tradition of Phidias, Apelles, and Zeuxis."[13]

Frescoes in Nerezi about Skopje (1164), with their unique blend of high tragedy, gentle humanity, and homespun realism, anticipate the approach of Giotto and other proto-Renaissance Italian artists.

The subject area affair of awe-inspiring Byzantine art was primarily religious and imperial: the 2 themes are often combined, as in the portraits of later Byzantine emperors that decorated the interior of the 6th-century church of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. These preoccupations are partly a event of the pious and autocratic nature of Byzantine society, and partly a result of its economic structure: the wealth of the empire was full-bodied in the hands of the church building and the purple role, which had the greatest opportunity to undertake monumental creative commissions.

Religious art was not, however, limited to the monumental decoration of church interiors. Ane of the most of import genres of Byzantine fine art was the icon, an image of Christ, the Virgin, or a saint, used as an object of veneration in Orthodox churches and private homes alike. Icons were more than religious than aesthetic in nature: specially after the finish of iconoclasm, they were understood to manifest the unique "presence" of the figure depicted past means of a "likeness" to that effigy maintained through carefully maintained canons of representation.[14]

The illumination of manuscripts was another major genre of Byzantine art. The most commonly illustrated texts were religious, both scripture itself (particularly the Psalms) and devotional or theological texts (such as the Ladder of Divine Ascent of John Climacus or the homilies of Gregory of Nazianzus). Secular texts were as well illuminated: of import examples include the Alexander Romance and the history of John Skylitzes.

The Byzantines inherited the Early Christian distrust of monumental sculpture in religious art, and produced simply reliefs, of which very few survivals are annihilation like life-size, in sharp dissimilarity to the medieval art of the West, where monumental sculpture revived from Carolingian art onwards. Small ivories were also generally in relief.

The so-called "small arts" were very important in Byzantine art and luxury items, including ivories carved in relief as formal presentation Consular diptychs or caskets such as the Veroli casket, hardstone carvings, enamels, drinking glass, jewelry, metalwork, and figured silks were produced in big quantities throughout the Byzantine era. Many of these were religious in nature, although a large number of objects with secular or not-representational decoration were produced: for example, ivories representing themes from classical mythology. Byzantine ceramics were relatively crude, as pottery was never used at the tables of the rich, who ate off Byzantine argent.

Periods [edit]

Byzantine art and architecture is divided into iv periods by convention: the Early on menstruation, commencing with the Edict of Milan (when Christian worship was legitimized) and the transfer of the imperial seat to Constantinople, extends to Advertizement 842, with the decision of Iconoclasm; the Middle, or high menstruum, begins with the restoration of the icons in 843 and culminates in the Fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders in 1204; the Belatedly menstruum includes the eclectic osmosis between Western European and traditional Byzantine elements in art and compages, and ends with the Autumn of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453. The term post-Byzantine is then used for later years, whereas "Neo-Byzantine" is used for fine art and compages from the 19th century onwards, when the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire prompted a renewed appreciation of Byzantium by artists and historians alike.

Early Byzantine art [edit]

Two events were of cardinal importance to the development of a unique, Byzantine art. First, the Edict of Milan, issued by the emperors Constantine I and Licinius in 313, allowed for public Christian worship, and led to the evolution of a monumental, Christian art. Second, the dedication of Constantinople in 330 created a smashing new artistic eye for the eastern one-half of the Empire, and a specifically Christian one. Other creative traditions flourished in rival cities such as Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome, only information technology was not until all of these cities had fallen - the first two to the Arabs and Rome to the Goths - that Constantinople established its supremacy.

Constantine devoted corking attempt to the decoration of Constantinople, adorning its public spaces with aboriginal statuary,[xv] and building a forum dominated by a porphyry column that carried a statue of himself.[16] Major Constantinopolitan churches congenital under Constantine and his son, Constantius II, included the original foundations of Hagia Sophia and the Church of the Holy Apostles.[17]

The next major building campaign in Constantinople was sponsored by Theodosius I. The near of import surviving monument of this period is the obelisk and base of operations erected past Theodosius in the Hippodrome[18] which, with the big silver dish called the Missorium of Theodosius I, represents the classic examples of what is sometimes called the "Theodosian Renaissance". The earliest surviving church building in Constantinople is the Basilica of St. John at the Stoudios Monastery, built in the 5th century.[19]

Miniatures of the 6th-century Rabula Gospel (a Byzantine Syriac Gospel) display the more abstruse and symbolic nature of Byzantine art

Due to subsequent rebuilding and devastation, relatively few Constantinopolitan monuments of this early on period survive. However, the development of monumental early Byzantine art tin can notwithstanding be traced through surviving structures in other cities. For example, important early churches are constitute in Rome (including Santa Sabina and Santa Maria Maggiore),[20] and in Thessaloniki (the Rotunda and the Acheiropoietos Basilica).[21]

A number of important illuminated manuscripts, both sacred and secular, survive from this early period. Classical authors, including Virgil (represented by the Vergilius Vaticanus[22] and the Vergilius Romanus)[23] and Homer (represented by the Ambrosian Iliad), were illustrated with narrative paintings. Illuminated biblical manuscripts of this period survive only in fragments: for example, the Quedlinburg Itala fragment is a small-scale portion of what must accept been a lavishly illustrated copy of one Kings.[24]

Early Byzantine art was also marked by the cultivation of ivory carving.[25] Ivory diptychs, often elaborately decorated, were issued as gifts by newly appointed consuls.[26] Silverish plates were another important form of luxury fine art:[27] among the most lavish from this period is the Missorium of Theodosius I.[28] Sarcophagi continued to be produced in swell numbers.

Age of Justinian I [edit]

Mosaic from San Vitale in Ravenna, showing the Emperor Justinian and Bishop Maximian, surrounded past clerics and soldiers.

Significant changes in Byzantine art coincided with the reign of Justinian I (527–565). Justinian devoted much of his reign to reconquering Italy, North Africa and Spain. He also laid the foundations of the regal absolutism of the Byzantine state, codifying its laws and imposing his religious views on all his subjects by law.[29]

A meaning component of Justinian's projection of imperial renovation was a massive building program, which was described in a book, the Buildings, written by Justinian's courtroom historian, Procopius.[thirty] Justinian renovated, rebuilt, or founded anew endless churches within Constantinople, including Hagia Sophia,[31] which had been destroyed during the Nika riots, the Church of the Holy Apostles,[32] and the Church of Saints Sergius and Bacchus.[33] Justinian also built a number of churches and fortifications exterior of the imperial capital, including Saint Catherine'southward Monastery on Mount Sinai in Egypt,[34] Basilica of Saint Sofia in Sofia and the Basilica of St. John in Ephesus.[35]

Several major churches of this period were built in the provinces by local bishops in faux of the new Constantinopolitan foundations. The Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, was congenital by Bishop Maximianus. The decoration of San Vitale includes important mosaics of Justinian and his empress, Theodora, although neither e'er visited the church building.[36] Also of note is the Euphrasian Basilica in Poreč.[37]

Recent archeological discoveries in the 19th and 20th centuries unearthed a large group of Early on Byzantine mosaics in the Middle East. The eastern provinces of the Eastern Roman and later the Byzantine Empires inherited a strong artistic tradition from Late Antiquity. Christian mosaic art flourished in this area from the fourth century onwards. The tradition of making mosaics was carried on in the Umayyad era until the finish of the 8th century. The most important surviving examples are the Madaba Map, the mosaics of Mount Nebo, Saint Catherine's Monastery and the Church of St Stephen in ancient Kastron Mefaa (now Umm ar-Rasas).

The commencement fully preserved illuminated biblical manuscripts date to the get-go half of the sixth century, most notably the Vienna Genesis,[38] the Rossano Gospels,[39] and the Sinope Gospels.[forty] The Vienna Dioscurides is a lavishly illustrated botanical treatise, presented equally a souvenir to the Byzantine aristocrat Julia Anicia.[41]

Important ivory sculptures of this catamenia include the Barberini ivory, which probably depicts Justinian himself,[42] and the Archangel ivory in the British Museum.[43] Silver plate continued to be busy with scenes drawn from classical mythology; for example, a plate in the Cabinet des Médailles, Paris, depicts Hercules wrestling the Nemean king of beasts.[44]

Seventh-century crunch [edit]

The Historic period of Justinian was followed by a political pass up, since most of Justinian'south conquests were lost and the Empire faced astute crisis with the invasions of the Avars, Slavs, Persians and Arabs in the seventh century. Constantinople was as well wracked by religious and political conflict.[45]

The near pregnant surviving awe-inspiring projects of this menstruum were undertaken exterior of the imperial capital. The church building of Hagios Demetrios in Thessaloniki was rebuilt after a burn down in the mid-seventh century. The new sections include mosaics executed in a remarkably abstruse style.[46] The church of the Koimesis in Nicaea (present-mean solar day Iznik), destroyed in the early 20th century but documented through photographs, demonstrates the simultaneous survival of a more classical style of church building ornament.[47] The churches of Rome, still a Byzantine territory in this menstruation, too include important surviving decorative programs, especially Santa Maria Antiqua, Sant'Agnese fuori le mura, and the Chapel of San Venanzio in San Giovanni in Laterano.[48] Byzantine mosaicists probably as well contributed to the ornament of the early Umayyad monuments, including the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the Great Mosque of Damascus.[49]

Important works of luxury fine art from this period include the silver David Plates, produced during the reign of Emperor Heraclius, and depicting scenes from the life of the Hebrew king David.[50] The nigh notable surviving manuscripts are Syriac gospel books, such equally the so-called Syriac Bible of Paris.[51] However, the London Canon Tables testify to the continuing production of lavish gospel books in Greek.[52]

The period betwixt Justinian and iconoclasm saw major changes in the social and religious roles of images within Byzantium. The veneration of acheiropoieta, or holy images "not made by human hands," became a significant miracle, and in some instances these images were credited with saving cities from military assault. Past the end of the seventh century, certain images of saints had come to be viewed every bit "windows" through which ane could communicate with the figure depicted. Proskynesis before images is too attested in texts from the belatedly 7th century. These developments marker the ancestry of a theology of icons.[53]

At the same time, the contend over the proper role of art in the decoration of churches intensified. Iii canons of the Quinisext Council of 692 addressed controversies in this area: prohibition of the representation of the cross on church pavements (Canon 73), prohibition of the representation of Christ equally a lamb (Canon 82), and a general injunction against "pictures, whether they are in paintings or in what way so ever, which attract the center and decadent the mind, and incite it to the enkindling of base of operations pleasures" (Catechism 100).

Crisis of iconoclasm [edit]

Helios in his chariot, surrounded by symbols of the months and of the zodiac. From Vat. Gr. 1291, the "Handy Tables" of Ptolemy, produced during the reign of Constantine V

Intense debate over the role of fine art in worship led eventually to the period of "Byzantine iconoclasm."[54] Sporadic outbreaks of iconoclasm on the part of local bishops are attested in Asia Small during the 720s. In 726, an underwater earthquake between the islands of Thera and Therasia was interpreted by Emperor Leo Iii as a sign of God's anger, and may take led Leo to remove a famous icon of Christ from the Chalke Gate exterior the imperial palace.[55] However, iconoclasm probably did non become imperial policy until the reign of Leo'due south son, Constantine 5. The Quango of Hieria, convened under Constantine in 754, proscribed the industry of icons of Christ. This inaugurated the Iconoclastic period, which lasted, with interruptions, until 843.

While iconoclasm severely restricted the role of religious art, and led to the removal of some earlier alcove mosaics and (possibly) the desultory devastation of portable icons, it never constituted a total ban on the production of figural art. Aplenty literary sources indicate that secular art (i.eastward. hunting scenes and depictions of the games in the hippodrome) continued to exist produced,[56] and the few monuments that tin be securely dated to the period (most notably the manuscript of Ptolemy'south "Handy Tables" today held by the Vatican[57]) demonstrate that metropolitan artists maintained a high quality of production.[58]

Major churches dating to this period include Hagia Eirene in Constantinople, which was rebuilt in the 760s post-obit its devastation by the 740 Constantinople earthquake. The interior of Hagia Eirene, which is dominated by a large mosaic cantankerous in the apse, is one of the best-preserved examples of iconoclastic church decoration.[59] The church of Hagia Sophia in Thessaloniki was also rebuilt in the late 8th century.[60]

Certain churches built outside of the empire during this period, but decorated in a figural, "Byzantine," style, may also prove to the continuing activities of Byzantine artists. Especially important in this regard are the original mosaics of the Palatine Chapel in Aachen (since either destroyed or heavily restored) and the frescoes in the Church building of Maria foris portas in Castelseprio.

Macedonian art [edit]

The rulings of the Council of Hieria were reversed by a new church council in 843, historic to this 24-hour interval in the Eastern Orthodox Church as the "Triumph of Orthodoxy." In 867, the installation of a new apse mosaic in Hagia Sophia depicting the Virgin and Child was celebrated past the Patriarch Photios in a famous homily as a victory over the evils of iconoclasm. Afterward in the same year, the Emperor Basil I, called "the Macedonian," acceded to the throne; as a outcome the post-obit period of Byzantine fine art has sometimes been called the "Macedonian Renaissance", although the term is doubly problematic (it was neither "Macedonian", nor, strictly speaking, a "Renaissance").

In the ninth and 10th centuries, the Empire'southward military situation improved, and patronage of art and architecture increased. New churches were commissioned, and the standard architectural grade (the "cross-in-foursquare") and decorative scheme of the Center Byzantine church were standardised. Major surviving examples include Hosios Loukas in Boeotia, the Daphni Monastery near Athens and Nea Moni on Chios.

At that place was a revival of interest in the delineation of subjects from classical Greek mythology (equally on the Veroli Casket) and in the utilize of a "classical" Hellenistic styles to depict religious, and peculiarly Erstwhile Testament, subjects (of which the Paris Psalter and the Joshua Whorl are important examples).

The Macedonian menstruation as well saw a revival of the late antiquarian technique of ivory carving. Many ornate ivory triptychs and diptychs survive, such as the Harbaville Triptych and a triptych at Luton Hoo, dating from the reign of Nicephorus Phocas.

Komnenian age [edit]

The Macedonian emperors were followed by the Komnenian dynasty, beginning with the reign of Alexios I Komnenos in 1081. Byzantium had recently suffered a period of severe dislocation following the Boxing of Manzikert in 1071 and the subsequent loss of Asia Minor to the Turks. Even so, the Komnenoi brought stability to the empire (1081–1185) and during the course of the twelfth century their energetic campaigning did much to restore the fortunes of the empire. The Komnenoi were great patrons of the arts, and with their support Byzantine artists connected to motility in the direction of greater humanism and emotion, of which the Theotokos of Vladimir, the cycle of mosaics at Daphni, and the murals at Nerezi yield of import examples. Ivory sculpture and other expensive mediums of art gradually gave style to frescoes and icons, which for the get-go time gained widespread popularity across the Empire. Apart from painted icons, there were other varieties - notably the mosaic and ceramic ones.

Some of the finest Byzantine work of this period may exist found outside the Empire: in the mosaics of Gelati, Kiev, Torcello, Venice, Monreale, Cefalù and Palermo. For case, Venice'southward Basilica of St Mark, begun in 1063, was based on the not bad Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, now destroyed, and is thus an repeat of the age of Justinian. The acquisitive habits of the Venetians mean that the basilica is besides a cracking museum of Byzantine artworks of all kinds (east.1000., Pala d'Oro).

Ivory caskets of the Macedonian era (Gallery) [edit]

Palaeologan age [edit]

The Annunciation from Ohrid, one of the nigh admired icons of the Paleologan mannerism, bears comparison with the finest contemporary works past Italian artists

Centuries of continuous Roman political tradition and Hellenistic civilisation underwent a crunch in 1204 with the sacking of Constantinople past the Venetian and French knights of the Fourth Crusade, a disaster from which the Empire recovered in 1261 albeit in a severely weakened land. The devastation past sack or subsequent neglect of the city's secular architecture in particular has left us with an imperfect understanding of Byzantine art.

Although the Byzantines regained the urban center in 1261, the Empire was thereafter a small and weak state confined to the Greek peninsula and the islands of the Aegean. During their half-century of exile, even so, the last great flowing of Anatolian Hellenism began. Every bit Nicaea emerged as the center of opposition under the Laskaris emperors, information technology spawned a renaissance, attracting scholars, poets, and artists from across the Byzantine world. A glittering court emerged as the dispossessed intelligentsia institute in the Hellenic side of their traditions a pride and identity unsullied by association with the hated "latin" enemy.[61] With the recapture of the capital under the new Palaeologan Dynasty, Byzantine artists developed a new interest in landscapes and pastoral scenes, and the traditional mosaic-work (of which the Chora Church in Constantinople is the finest extant case) gradually gave mode to detailed cycles of narrative frescoes (as evidenced in a large grouping of Mystras churches). The icons, which became a favoured medium for artistic expression, were characterized by a less austere attitude, new appreciation for purely decorative qualities of painting and meticulous attention to details, earning the popular name of the Paleologan Mannerism for the menstruum in general.

Venice came to command Byzantine Crete by 1212, and Byzantine artistic traditions continued long subsequently the Ottoman conquest of the concluding Byzantine successor state in 1461. The Cretan school, as it is today known, gradually introduced Western elements into its mode, and exported big numbers of icons to the West. The tradition's most famous creative person was El Greco.[62] [63]

Legacy [edit]

The splendour of Byzantine fine art was always in the mind of early on medieval Western artists and patrons, and many of the most important movements in the catamenia were conscious attempts to produce fine art fit to stand next to both classical Roman and contemporary Byzantine art. This was particularly the case for the majestic Carolingian art and Ottonian art. Luxury products from the Empire were highly valued, and reached for case the royal Anglo-Saxon Sutton Hoo burial in Suffolk of the 620s, which contains several pieces of silverish. Byzantine silks were especially valued and large quantities were distributed as diplomatic gifts from Constantinople. There are records of Byzantine artists working in the Due west, particularly during the catamenia of iconoclasm, and some works, similar the frescos at Castelseprio and miniatures in the Vienna Coronation Gospels, seem to accept been produced by such figures.

In item, teams of mosaic artists were dispatched as diplomatic gestures past emperors to Italia, where they often trained locals to continue their work in a way heavily influenced by Byzantium. Venice and Norman Sicily were particular centres of Byzantine influence. The earliest surviving panel paintings in the Westward were in a mode heavily influenced past contemporary Byzantine icons, until a distinctive Western style began to develop in Italy in the Trecento; the traditional and still influential narrative of Vasari and others has the story of Western painting begin as a breakaway by Cimabue and then Giotto from the shackles of the Byzantine tradition. In general, Byzantine artistic influence on Europe was in steep refuse by the 14th century if not earlier, despite the continued importance of migrated Byzantine scholars in the Renaissance in other areas.

Islamic art began with artists and craftsmen mostly trained in Byzantine styles, and though figurative content was greatly reduced, Byzantine decorative styles remained a great influence on Islamic art, and Byzantine artists continued to be imported for of import works for some fourth dimension, specially for mosaics.

The Byzantine era properly defined came to an finish with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, only by this fourth dimension the Byzantine cultural heritage had been widely diffused, carried past the spread of Orthodox Christianity, to Bulgaria, Serbia, Romania and, near importantly, to Russia, which became the heart of the Orthodox world following the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans. Even nether Ottoman rule, Byzantine traditions in icon-painting and other pocket-sized-scale arts survived, specially in the Venetian-ruled Crete and Rhodes, where a "post-Byzantine" style under increasing Western influence survived for a further two centuries, producing artists including El Greco whose training was in the Cretan School which was the almost vigorous post-Byzantine school, exporting great numbers of icons to Europe. The willingness of the Cretan School to have Western influence was singular; in most of the mail service-Byzantine globe "as an instrument of indigenous cohesiveness, art became assertively conservative during the Turcocratia" (period of Ottoman dominion).[64]

Russian icon painting began past entirely adopting and imitating Byzantine fine art, every bit did the fine art of other Orthodox nations, and has remained extremely conservative in iconography, although its painting fashion has adult distinct characteristics, including influences from postal service-Renaissance Western fine art. All the Eastern Orthodox churches have remained highly protective of their traditions in terms of the form and content of images and, for example, mod Orthodox depictions of the Nativity of Christ vary little in content from those adult in the sixth century.

See also [edit]

  • Byzantine illuminated manuscripts
  • Byzantine architecture
  • Byzantine mosaics
  • Macedonian art (Byzantine)
  • Byzantine Iconoclasm
  • Sacred fine art
  • Book of Job in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts

Notes [edit]

  1. ^ Michelis 1946; Weitzmann 1981.
  2. ^ Kitzinger 1977, pp. ane‒3.
  3. ^ Michelis 1946; Ainalov 1961, "Introduction", pp. 3‒viii; Stylianou & Stylianou 1985, p. nineteen; Hanfmann 1962, "Early Christian Sculpture", p. 42 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFHanfmann1962 (help); Weitzmann 1984.
  4. ^ Bassett 2004.
  5. ^ Cyril 1965, pp. 53‒75 harvnb mistake: no target: CITEREFCyril1965 (help).
  6. ^ Ainalov 1961, "The Hellenistic Graphic symbol of Byzantine Wall Painting", pp. 185‒214.
  7. ^ Weitzmann 1981, p. 350.
  8. ^ Brendel 1979.
  9. ^ Berenson 1954.
  10. ^ Elsner 2002, pp. 358‒379.
  11. ^ Kitzinger 1977.
  12. ^ Onians 1980, pp. 1‒23.
  13. ^ Mango 1963, p. 65.
  14. ^ Belting & Jephcott 1994 harvnb error: no target: CITEREFBeltingJephcott1994 (assistance).
  15. ^ Bassett 2004.
  16. ^ Fowden 1991, pp. 119‒131; Bauer 1996.
  17. ^ Mathews 1971; Henck 2001, pp. 279‒304
  18. ^ Kiilerich 1998.
  19. ^ Mathews 1971.
  20. ^ Krautheimer 2000.
  21. ^ Spieser 1984; Ćurčić 2000.
  22. ^ Wright 1993.
  23. ^ Wright 2001.
  24. ^ Levin 1985.
  25. ^ Volbach 1976.
  26. ^ Delbrueck 1929.
  27. ^ Dodd 1961.
  28. ^ Almagro-Gorbea 2000.
  29. ^ Maas 2005.
  30. ^ Tr. H.B. Dewing, Procopius VII (Cambridge, 1962).
  31. ^ Mainstone 1997.
  32. ^ Dark & Özgümüş 2002, pp. 393‒413.
  33. ^ Bardill 2000, pp. 1‒eleven; Mathews 2005.
  34. ^ Forsyth & Weitzmann 1973.
  35. ^ Thiel 2005.
  36. ^ Deichmann 1969.
  37. ^ Eufrasiana Basilica Projection.
  38. ^ Wellesz 1960.
  39. ^ Cavallo 1992.
  40. ^ Grabar 1948.
  41. ^ Mazal 1998.
  42. ^ Cutler 1993, pp. 329‒339.
  43. ^ Wright 1986, pp. 75‒79.
  44. ^ photo of the plate
  45. ^ Haldon 1997.
  46. ^ Brubaker 2004, pp. 63‒90.
  47. ^ Hairdresser 1991, pp. 43‒60.
  48. ^ Matthiae 1987.
  49. ^ Creswell 1969; Flood 2001.
  50. ^ Leader 2000, pp. 407‒427.
  51. ^ Leroy 1964.
  52. ^ Nordenfalk 1938.
  53. ^ Brubaker 1998, pp. 1215‒1254.
  54. ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977; Brubaker & Haldon 2001.
  55. ^ Stein 1980; The story of the Chalke Icon may be a afterwards invention: Auzépy 1990, pp. 445‒492.
  56. ^ Grabar 1984.
  57. ^ Wright 1985, pp. 355‒362.
  58. ^ Bryer & Herrin 1977, Robin Cormack, "The Arts during the Historic period of Iconoclasm".
  59. ^ Peschlow 1977.
  60. ^ Theocharidou 1988.
  61. ^ Ash 1995.
  62. ^ Byron, Robert (October 1929). "Greco: The Epilogue to Byzantine Civilisation". The Burlington Mag for Connoisseurs. 55 (319): 160–174. JSTOR 864104.
  63. ^ Procopiou, Angelo Chiliad. (March 1952). "El Greco and Cretan Painting". The Burlington Mag. 94 (588): 76–74. JSTOR 870678.
  64. ^ Kessler 1988, p. 166.

References [edit]

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  • Almagro-Gorbea, Thousand., ed. (2000). El Disco de Teodosio. Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia. ISBN9788489512603.
  • Ash, John (1995). A Byzantine Journey . London: Random Business firm Incorporated. ISBN9780679409342.
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  • Barber, C. (1991). "The Koimesis Church, Nicaea: The Limits of Representation on the Eve of Iconoclasm". Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik. 41: 43‒60.
  • Bardill, J. (2000). "The Church of Sts. Sergius and Bacchus in Constantinople and the Monophysite Refugees". Dumbarton Oaks Papers. 54: ane‒11. doi:10.2307/1291830. JSTOR 1291830.
  • Bassett, Sarah (2004). The Urban Paradigm of Late Antique Constantinople. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN9780521827232.
  • Bauer, Franz Alto (1996). Stadt, Platz und Denkmal in der Spätantike. Mainz: P. von Zabern. ISBN9783805318426.
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Further reading [edit]

  • Alloa, Emmanuel (2013). "Visual Studies in Byzantium". Journal of Visual Culture. 12 (i): three‒29. doi:ten.1177/1470412912468704. S2CID 191395643.
  • Beckwith, John (1979). Early Christian and Byzantine Art (2nd ed.). Penguin History of Art. ISBN978-0140560336.
  • Cormack, Robin (2000). Byzantine Art . Oxford: Oxford Academy Printing. ISBN978-0-19-284211-4.
  • Cormack, Robin (1985). Writing in Gold, Byzantine Guild and its Icons. London: George Philip. ISBN978-054001085-1.
  • Eastmond, Antony (2013). The Glory of Byzantium and Early Christendom. London: Phaidon Press. ISBN978-0714848105.
  • Evans, Helen C., ed. (2004). Byzantium, Religion and Power (1261‒1557) . Metropolitan Museum of Art/Yale University Printing. ISBN978-1588391148.
  • Evans, Helen C. & Wixom, William D. (1997). The Celebrity of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Centre Byzantine Era, A.D. 843‒1261. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. OCLC 853250638.
  • Hurst, Ellen (8 August 2014). "A Beginner's Guide to Byzantine Fine art". Smarthistory. Retrieved 20 Apr 2016.
  • James, Elizabeth (2007). Art and Text in Byzantine Culture (1 ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-83409-iv.
  • Karahan, Anne (2015). "Patristics and Byzantine Meta-Images. Molding Belief in the Divine from Written to Painted Theology". In Harrison, Carol; Bitton-Ashkelony, Brouria; De Bruyn, Théodore (eds.). Patristic Studies in the 20-First Century. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. pp. 551–576. ISBN978-2-503-55919-3.
  • Karahan, Anne (2010). Byzantine Holy Images – Transcendence and Immanence. The Theological Background of the Iconography and Aesthetics of the Chora Church (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta No. 176). Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA: Peeters Publishers. ISBN978-90-429-2080-iv.
  • Karahan, Anne (2016). "Byzantine Visual Culture. Conditions of "Right" Conventionalities and some Platonic Outlooks"". Numen: International Review for the History of Religions. Leiden: Koninklijke Brill NV. 63 (2–3): 210–244. doi:10.1163/15685276-12341421. ISSN 0029-5973.
  • Karahan, Anne (2014). "Byzantine Iconoclasm: Credo and Quest for Power". In Kolrud, Thou.; Prusac, G. (eds.). Iconoclasm from Antiquity to Modernity. Farnham Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. pp. 75‒94. ISBN978-1-4094-7033-5.
  • Karahan, Anne (2015). "Affiliate x: The Bear on of Cappadocian Theology on Byzantine Aesthetics: Gregory of Nazianzus on the Unity and Singularity of Christ". In Dumitraşcu, N. (ed.). The Ecumenical Legacy of the Cappadocians. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 159‒184. ISBN978-1-137-51394-half dozen.
  • Karahan, Anne (2012). "Beauty in the Eyes of God. Byzantine Aesthetics and Basil of Caesarea". Byzantion: Revue Internationale des Études Byzantines. 82: 165‒212. eISSN 2294-6209. ISSN 0378-2506. *Karahan, Anne (2013). "The Image of God in Byzantine Cappadocia and the Issue of Supreme Transcendence". Studia Patristica. 59: 97‒111. ISBN978-90-429-2992-0.
  • Karahan, Anne (2010). "The Effect of περιχώρησις in Byzantine Holy Images". Studia Patristica. 44: 27‒34. ISBN978-90-429-2370-six.
  • Gerstel, Sharon Eastward. J.; Lauffenburger, Julie A., eds. (2001). A Lost Art Rediscovered. Pennsylvania State University. ISBN978-0-271-02139-3.
  • Mango, Cyril, ed. (1972). The Art of the Byzantine Empire, 312‒1453: Sources and Documents. Englewood Cliffs.
  • Obolensky, Dimitri (1974) [1971]. The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500‒1453. London: Central. ISBN9780351176449.
  • http://world wide web.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_ΑργείοςWeitzmann, Kurt, ed. (1979). Age of Spirituality: Tardily Antique and Early Christian Art, Third to Seventh Century. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art.

External links [edit]

  • Byzantine Publications Online, freely available for download from Dumbarton Oaks
  • Lethaby, William (1911). "Byzantine Art". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. iv (11th ed.). pp. 906–911.
  • Eikonografos.com: Byzantine Icons and Mosaics Archived 2012-03-31 at the Wayback Auto
  • Anthony Cutler on the economic history of Byzantine mosaics, wall-paintings and icons at Dumbarton Oaks.
  • http://www.biblionet.gr/book/178713/Ανδρέου,_Ευάγγελος/Γεώργιος_Μάρκου_ο_Αργείος

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Byzantine_art

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